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Research paper
Qualitative exploration of young adult RYO smokers' practices
  1. Janet Hoek1,
  2. Shelagh Ferguson1,
  3. Erin Court1,
  4. Karine Gallopel-Morvan2
  1. 1 Department of Marketing, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand
  2. 2 EHESP School of Public Health, Rennes, France
  1. Correspondence to Professor Janet Hoek, Department of Marketing, University of Otago, P. O. Box 56, Dunedin 9054, New Zealand; janet.hoek{at}otago.ac.nz

Abstract

Background Although roll-your-own (RYO) tobacco often elicits negative connotations of a lower class product, uptake and use by young adult smokers has grown because RYO is more cost-effective than tailor-made (TM) cigarettes. We explored the practices and beliefs young adults develop to distance themselves from unattractive stereotypes of RYO smokers.

Methods We conducted 20 in-depth interviews with New Zealand young adult RYO users aged between 18 and 30 years, and used thematic analysis to interpret the transcripts.

Results We identified three themes: establishing the superiority of RYO tobacco; creating and enacting usage rituals, and ritual disruption. Participants regarded RYO tobacco as more natural and better-tasting; they used it to control their tobacco use and facilitate interactions with others. Many described rolling rituals where they used specific artefacts and microbehaviours to construct cigarettes they saw as personal and artisanal. Several, though not all, disliked unattractively coloured papers as these disrupted the value their rituals created.

Conclusions Young adults imbue RYO tobacco with positive attributes, many of which centre on rolling rituals or draw on widely held misperceptions of RYO tobacco as less harmful. Excise tax increases could counter perceptions of RYO as more cost-effective while mandating that dissuasively coloured paper could disrupt reduced-harm connotations. However, evidence that erroneous harm beliefs are widespread and entrenched may justify restricting or eliminating the key artefact—the product itself.

  • Hand-rolled/RYO tobacco
  • Priority/special populations
  • Denormalization

https://doi.org/10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2016-053168

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    Introduction

    Roll-your-own (RYO) tobacco may elicit connotations of lower quality tobacco whose users have been stereotyped as ‘(an) old, poor, grumpy bloke in a pub’ (ref. 1, p. iii77), or ‘socially dysfunctional individuals such as tramps and prisoners’ (ref. 2, p. 772). Despite these negative user profiles, RYO tobacco use has increased in many countries, including New Zealand,3 ,4 South Africa,5 Thailand,6 the UK, Australia and Canada,7 and Europe,8–10 as it is less expensive than tailor-made (TM) cigarettes.1 ,3

    Within New Zealand, RYO use peaks among young adults aged 20–24 years, with more than 60% either smoking RYO exclusively (42%) or in conjunction with TM cigarettes (20%); overall use is also high among 25–45-year olds (57%) but falls after age 45.4 RYO use does not vary by gender, though it is higher among Māori and NZ Europeans, and among people experiencing greater deprivation.4 Repeat cross-sectional studies show RYO use has remained at similar levels among adolescents, despite increases in its relative cost.3

    Since young adults often use tobacco brands to establish social identities,11–13 RYO tobacco presents a challenge. While it offers cost advantages, negative stereotypes of heavily addicted, lower income smokers are inconsistent with the social identity most young adults seek.1 ,2 ,14 ,15 Managing the resulting dissonance requires creation of new, more positive connotations that young adults may pair with RYO tobacco to support their social personae.15 ,16

    Consumer behaviour theorists suggest rituals enable consumers to create new value-laden activities that enhance the products or brands featured.17 ,18 We briefly discuss ritual and social identity theories before exploring how young adult RYO smokers construct rituals that elevate a formerly tainted product and distance them from unattractive stereotypes.19

    Rituals and social identity construction

    Consumers use brand and product attributes to communicate social identities that establish their standing and connect them to social groups.20 ,21 While consumption behaviours often evolve into common social practices, individuals may personalise these practices by developing idiosyncratic microbehaviours that only they perform.22 Rook18 analysed patterned approaches to common practices, and described these as ritualistic behaviours comprising four key elements: artefacts, behaviours, performances and audiences.

    These ritualistic components may be easily identified in RYO tobacco use, where smokers have multiple artefacts, including rolling papers, filters and loose tobacco. They use these in performances involving dual acts of creation and consumption, and that often occur in social settings.18 Each stage within a ritual provides opportunities for individuals to demonstrate crafted microbehaviours that foster their social identity.21 ,22

    By incorporating personalised behaviour elements into their rituals, smokers may recreate value challenged by negative social norms, such as those associated with RYO tobacco.23 For example, rolling rituals emphasise shared aspects of smoking that may connect smokers and demonstrate their proficiency, thus elevating smoking from a stigmatised behaviour to an art form, and deflecting attention from nicotine addiction and health risks. The social solidarity created enables smokers to construct boundaries between negative connotations and their smoking practices, and allows them to represent themselves as engaged in a skilled social activity.20 ,24 Widely held beliefs that RYO tobacco is more natural and less harmful than TM tobacco may imbue rolling rituals with added meaning, such as communicating a superior product choice.25 ,26 RYO tobacco users who roll and offer a cigarette to others are gifting an artisanal product quite different to a TM cigarette, which may be purchased from any store.27 ,28

    Since rituals showcase intriguing behaviours with new connotations, analysing their components may explain how previously derogated forms of tobacco have become more popular. Yet while several studies have examined how smokers establish and manage social identities,15 ,21 ,29 few have explored the complexities introduced by RYO tobacco or how young adults manage RYO tobacco's contradictory attributes. Nor have earlier studies examined potential policy interventions that could decrease the appeal of RYO tobacco. We thus explored perceptions of dissuasively coloured papers and how these could affect RYO tobacco's popularity among young adult populations.30 ,31

    Methods

    Sample and recruitment

    We used in-depth interviews to collect data from 20 self-defined young adult RYO smokers aged between 18 and 30 years, who lived in Dunedin, New Zealand. In-depth interviews allow probing of complex behaviours, such as RYO use and smokers' identity, while also facilitating elicitation exercises used to explore reactions to dissuasively coloured rolling papers.32 Participants were initially recruited through posters, fliers, email newsletters and social media, and subsequently through snowball referrals.

    Interview protocol and data collection

    The interview protocol explored participants' perceptions and use of RYO tobacco and TM cigarettes, and factors motivating a switch from TM to RYO (see online supplementary file 1). We probed rolling practices and preferences for rolling paraphernalia (eg, papers, filters), then used an elicitation exercise to explore how dissuasively coloured rolling paper could influence experiences of rolling and smoking (see online supplementary file 2). Interviews were conducted during January and February 2016 and lasted from 40 to 70 min. Postinterview notes documented key points from each interview and were used to confirm data saturation. With participants' permission, interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim, then checked for accuracy before data analysis began.

    Participants received information sheets outlining the study and gave written consent; they also received a $30 gift voucher (redeemable at a general retailer who does not stock tobacco products) to recognise their assistance. An internal reviewer with delegated authority from the University of Otago Human Ethics Committee reviewed and approved the project prior to data collection. We also undertook consultation with an indigenous people's advisory committee.

    Data analysis

    We followed Braun and Clarke's approach to thematic analysis and identified recurring metaphors and idea elements as the basis of overarching themes, particularly in relation to the ritual framework outlined above. Two coders (JH and EC) independently reviewed the transcripts manually, identified patterns and grouped these into preliminary themes. We jointly reviewed these groupings, tested them against other coded and uncoded items and agreed on final overall themes.

    Results

    Participants' characteristics

    Table 1 contains details of participants' demographic characteristics and smoking behaviours and shows participants were evenly split between females and males; nearly all were daily smokers. Cigarettes smoked per weekday varied considerably (range 1–25; mean=6) but participants almost invariably consumed more cigarettes on a Saturday, especially when socialising and drinking (range 1–35; mean=12). Most participants had school-level qualifications and many were undertaking further training, and thus most likely had low personal incomes.

    View this table:
    Table 1

    Participants' characteristics

    Themes

    We identified three overarching themes: the superiority of RYO cigarettes, ritual creation and enactment, and ritual disruption. Nearly all participants reported transitioning from TM cigarettes to RYO for price reasons, though they asserted RYO's superiority by associating it with functional (taste), perceptual (naturalness) and social (artisanal) benefits. Imbuing RYO tobacco with special characteristics supported participants' belief that they had made better choices than TM smokers. Nearly all saw rolling as a special craft that required skill; these skills allowed them to create individual rituals that complemented the economic value RYO tobacco also offered. Participants regarded rolling artefacts as crucial to creating meaningful rituals; proposals to replace familiar artefacts created dissonance. We explain and illustrate these themes below (all quotations use pseudonyms).

    Superiority of RYO cigarettes

    Participants justified using RYO tobacco by asserting its superiority over TM cigarettes; superiority had multiple dimensions, ranging from functional cost benefits to perceived product authenticity. All participants mentioned RYO's lower relative cost; as their tobacco consumption had increased, price had become increasingly salient; Petra explained:Um, I think it was the price thing when I got into it, you know, it was quite a bit more expensive to buy tailies [tailor-made cigarettes] than it was to buy rollies (Petra, F, 22).

    Product attributes reinforced perceived cost-effectiveness; for example, Aimee outlined how TM cigarettes burn continuously, an attribute she and others found wasteful.When you stop smoking a rollie… and put it in an ashtray or something, it usually just goes out. But with the regular cigarettes they just constantly burn whether you're smoking them or not (Aimee, F, 19).

    Rolling their own cigarettes gave participants greater control over what they consumed; several reported smoking smaller cigarettes, a strategy that economised their tobacco use while allowing them to believe they had reduced the risk they faced from smoking. Aimee noted this dual benefit:I buy … the super slim … ah, green filters … which are like the smallest ones you can get. Um, so cigarettes are, like, much thinner in comparison, so you're kind've smoking less tobacco and the tobacco goes a longer way (Aimee, F, 19).

    Reducing tobacco consumption also offered important psychosocial benefits. Participants who were light smokers reframed their identity and saw themselves not as smokers, but as non-smokers who occasionally used tobacco.Hmmm, I s'pose it [rolling smaller cigarettes] made me feel better, like I wasn't smoking as much… ‘Cos I didn't like thinking of myself as a smoker (Frith, F, 19).

    Nearly all thought RYO tobacco had a better taste than TM cigarettes, and saw RYO as superior because they believed it had fewer additives. Brenda explained:I just imagine that um, tailor made has more chemicals in it. But I don't know if that's true but it kind've tastes that way … I dunno, it's hard to explain it's just not as, like, clean… tasting (Brenda, F, 20).

    Participants repeatedly described RYO tobacco as ‘less chemically’ than TM cigarettes, and inferred greater ‘naturalness’ from RYO tobacco's increased moistness, which they saw as indicating fresher (and thus better quality) tobacco. Interpretations of RYO tobacco as more natural led Oona and several others to believe it was less harmful.They [TM cigarettes] have more chemicals and all that; they're not so good for your health, like a little bit worse … than rollies (Oona, F, 22).

    The final component of superiority pointed to the enhanced social value RYO tobacco offers. Several commented that it was easier to gift RYO components, such as filters and papers, and even tobacco, since it was less expensive than TM cigarettes. Meg outlined how the resulting social connections were a crucial part of the RYO smoking ‘culture’.I found that, I guess, as more of my smoking culture developed… you could very easily, you know, connect and interact with people over like papers and filters or something like that, you know, ‘do you have a paper I can borrow?’ ‘Yeah, sure’ and that's like almost an opening (Meg, F, 23).

    Connections established through sharing RYO tobacco, papers and filters provide an initial insight into the social rituals participants performed when constructing cigarettes. Many elaborated on these rituals and their comments illustrate our second overarching theme.

    Rolling rituals

    Participants saw rolling as a performative behaviour that required skill; they enjoyed demonstrating their accomplishment in social settings as doing so facilitated interactions and showcased their expertise.It just looks fun if you're out and you're drinking, it's just like a fun little thing to learn to do, I think. And it's cool …Um, it's just really fun rolling them and going outside and it's a nice way to meet people—you sort've ask each other for lighters and papers and … maybe someone can't roll them so you'd roll it for them and um … it's just a nice ritual (Frith, 19, F).

    Participants demonstrated their rolling practices, which incorporated unique microbehaviours and artefacts, which included the filter and rolling paper used and how they stored these, where they inserted their filter (left or right), and how they retrieved, placed and packed tobacco. Charlie and Oona explained how these intimate acts of construction provided value and satisfaction, and enhanced their smoking experience.Well, it's just kind of a ritualistic thing where you actually have to put it together yourself as opposed to like a convenience item. Yeah, it feels more valuable because of that (Charlie, M, 25). Um, I think I enjoy the fact that I am creating the thing that I will smoke you know, it's um … I control the amount of tobacco that I'm gonna put in it um … like how, like the way it comes out, it turns out to be—it depends on me and my skills, so it's kind of fun and rewarding to smoke after you roll—I believe that's kind've the feeling of rolling and then smoking (Oona, F, 22).

    However, for a small minority, rolling served as an ongoing reminder that they could not afford what they regarded as higher quality, more convenient and more prestigious TM cigarettes.It's … so my friend asks me “why [smoke RYO] if you hate rolling the ciggie yourself … I just say it's only because of the price in New Zealand (Kenzie, F, 25). It can be too annoying um… if my hands are feeling pretty gross, it's usually not that pleasant… I roll it and it can tear, especially if I slobber too much on it… [rolling] doesn't fill me with joy or anything (Ellie, F, 23).

    Nonetheless, for most, the fact that rolling tobacco into a cigarette and then smoking it required purposeful precursor behaviours led them to view smoking an RYO cigarette as more meaningful than smoking a TM cigarette they had retrieved from a packet:There's something nice and relaxing about rolling your own as opposed to just pulling one out of the packet, like it's a … the sort've process of it is quite enjoyable … um … and also the whole sort've ritual just around smoking in general, like sit down and have a coffee, have a cigarette sorta thing … so it's ritualistic in that sense (Sam, M, 25).

    Dave expanded on the benefits of rolling by outlining how he retrieves rolling artefacts and performs microbehaviours that have become more polished over time. Like Dave, several participants elevated the rolling ritual and artisan product created ahead of smoking itself:It kind of reminds me of the rituals, the rolling and all that sort of thing. Well, the “ritual” is a weird word but … yeah, the process of it, which is quite nice,… Just the whole process of, like, getting the filter out and the paper and rolling it up……I don't know, by the time I got it down it was quite satisfying. It's something you can do, it's just relaxing in a way, a lot of times (Dave, M, 24).

    Rituals comprised two distinct components: the rolling permutation individuals practised and saw as a personal skill, and the generic act, which others performed. As participants explained, the rolling process created satisfaction even prior to smoking; it signalled a learnt skill to others and provided mindful and relaxing moments. Within social settings, sharing artefacts and performing common actions provided connections, while uniquely personal microbehaviours promoted rolling above a mere routine practice.

    Artefacts had important functional properties, and participants had specific preferences for filters and rolling papers, which, as Oona illustrated, enabled participants to control the size of the cigarette they rolled. Yet papers and filters also evoked a sense of tradition and familiarity that brought additional meaning to rituals. As Charlie explained, using different artefacts would create ‘an entirely different cigarette’, while Larry's artefacts were so important that he refused to buy substitutes as these would not fit the ‘system’ or ritual he had developed.They [artefacts] actually do affect rolling. I do it based off tradition, what I'm familiar with, because there's lots of variations and everything, and you can have an entirely different cigarette depending on what paper and filter you use (Charlie, M, 24). Um … well if I don't use these two, for example, yellow papers, yellow filters I notice it straight away and it doesn't feel normal. It feels different… [over] the years I've developed a system and this is a system that makes the whole process for me (Larry, M, 24).

    Since each component of rolling offers an opportunity to disrupt the meanings smokers' artefacts provide, we also examined responses to a potential intervention: dissuasively coloured rolling papers.

    Disrupting the ritual

    We used an elicitation exercise to probe how participants envisaged rolling and smoking a cigarette made using three dissuasively coloured papers: murky mustard, fungal brown and slimy green (see online supplementary file 2). Several participants reacted against colour per se and regarded any colour as artificial and thus inconsistent with ‘natural’ RYO tobacco. Ironically, some, like Sam, saw dyed paper as potentially more dangerous than the tobacco itself.Um … one of my first impressions would be I don't know if I wanna be smoking the dyes that are in the papers um, I know that a paper like this is just probably bleached and it's probably just as chemically … sort've treated um, but yeah that sort've colour would put me off definitely (Sam, M, 25).

    The colours tested introduced some discordant elements but also evoked ambiguous and even pleasant memories. Most participants strongly disliked the mustard paper, which they described as ‘dirty’ because it brought unwanted reminders of discarded cigarette butts; these connotations broke down the veneer of acceptability they had tried to associate with RYO tobacco. Brenda explained the disconnection and outlined how RYO users rely on both flavours and colour to sanitise smoking and create an experience smokers can ‘enjoy’.… It would feel dirty ‘cos … that's the colour of, like, the filter after you've smoked a whole cigarette. Just … yeah, gross I dunno… I'm aware, like, that smoking's gross and but it's kinda nice to be able to mask it with things like having a classy cigarette and, like, it being menthol so it's minty and all those things that kinda make it nicer when you're addicted, and you enjoy it. But if the papers were yellow and it wasn't menthol, and it just kinda felt gross and dirty, you'd just be, like, you know, it wouldn't be as nice (Brenda, F, 20).

    Nevertheless, a small minority thought they would adjust to different colours, if these offered the same functional attributes:But I don't know, if it was the same in every respect I think it would do the same job pretty well, yeah (Dave, M, 24).

    Most participants felt that smoking a cigarette rolled in brown coloured paper would remind them of smoking a cigar, an association that elicited mixed connotations. For some, like Aimee, the colour appeared ‘classy’ but, for others such as Rob, it was off-putting.I think it kind've would remind people more of cigars. So I think, I think people might be into that ‘cos -…. Classier! … [laugh] … (Aimee, F, 19). I mean smoking a cigarette out of a paper that colour would kind've put me off … I guess, ‘cos I, yeah I um, I think I'd be, well, it'd look like I'm smoking a cigar to be honest with you (Rob, M, 23).

    The green paper elicited some positive connotations as ‘natural’ and organic, which participants used to infer reduced harm attributes. Petra explained:Just straight compressed plant or something … you'd feel quite like it's organic or … it's not as bad for you (Petra, F, 22).

    Larry represented several participants when he associated the green colour with marijuana, which aroused pleasant connotations.Um, more of a relaxing feeling … now I'm just thinking about smoking weed. … [laugh]… Yeah, it would probably make me wanna smoke weed (Larry, M, 24).

    These mixed responses highlight the ambiguous connotations colours have. While participants reacted negatively to the mustard paper, they had varied responses to the brown and green paper; further work is necessary to identify colours that evoke consistently negative perceptions.

    Discussion

    Like earlier studies, participants used RYO tobacco because they could not afford TM cigarettes in the quantities they desired. RYO tobacco was cheaper in the long run, could be controlled and eked out, and burnt more slowly, making it less wasteful.1 ,4 ,19 ,33–35 However, while participants valued RYO tobacco's cost-effectiveness, this attribute fostered negative RYO tobacco user stereotypes.3 ,33

    Participants used rituals to personalise and add value to their RYO consumption; their complex and highly personal practices promoted RYO and allowed them to view their behaviour as superior, rather than a price-driven choice. Elevating rolling to a ‘skill’ and ‘accomplishment’ distanced them from negative stereotypes,1 ,2 and asserted their superiority over TM smokers, whose tobacco does not possess artisanal or creative qualities. Since rolling comprised important microbehaviours, participants regarded their hand-made cigarettes as more valuable than a ready-made cigarette that anyone could obtain from a pack. For most, the personal ritual they performed to create an artefact they went on to consume enriched their experience of smoking and made it more meaningful.36 Nonetheless, a small minority disliked rolling, which they found inextricably linked to negative stereotypes,1 ,2 ,14 and a reminder of their inability to afford TM cigarettes.35

    The components or artefacts used in rolling an RYO cigarette played crucial roles in most participants' rolling traditions. At a functional level, artefacts allow participants to control their tobacco consumption but, more fundamentally, they evoked feelings of continuity and tradition that reinforced participants' RYO use. Coloured rolling paper threatened to disrupt historical practices and most participants disliked in principle the idea of replacing white rolling paper with something different. Yet while similar to findings from studies examining dissuasively coloured TM cigarettes,30 ,31 we noted some important differences. In particular, green was more likely to elicit organic and natural connotations than images of dirt and slime, and evoked fond memories of marijuana use.

    Participants also managed RYO's ambiguous status by embellishing it with new and positive attributes, such as superior taste and reduced harm. Most saw RYO tobacco as ‘less chemically’ than TM tobacco, more ‘natural’ and less harmful; these views reinforce findings from earlier studies.9 ,19 ,25 ,26 ,33 ,37 Using a tobacco they regarded as less harmful helped participants maintain an important distance between the effects of smoking and their vulnerability to these, and reinforced RYO's perceived superiority.

    Our qualitative analysis illustrates how young adult smokers create rituals that dispel negative product stereotypes and also suggests measures that could disrupt the positive pairings created. Nevertheless, further work with larger samples comprising mixed and exclusive RYO users is required to estimate the effects of dissuasive interventions. For example, future research could use naturalistic methods or ecological momentary assessments to explore how coloured papers affect smoking behaviours,38 ,39 while experimental studies could test when the price-value trade-offs RYO users make are exceeded.40 New studies could also quantify the extent of erroneous reduced-harm perceptions of RYO tobacco; evidence that these beliefs are widespread could support measures that limit or even eliminate this form of tobacco.9 ,25 Future work could also examine use of RYO accessories, such as attractive cases and designer rolling paper, which may enhance the artefacts available to RYO users and reinforce positive perceptions.27 ,28 Such work will be especially important as more countries adopt plain packaging, a measure that potentially places greater emphasis on distinctive performance rituals that may replace the differentiation branding had provided.

    Conclusions

    Young people use RYO tobacco primarily because it is more cost-effective; however, they create and pair other benefits with RYO tobacco to ameliorate potentially negative ‘low cost’ associations. By viewing RYO tobacco as less harmful and more natural than TM cigarettes, users justify their behaviour, reduce their perceived risk and distance themselves from negative stereotypes. Increasing the cost of RYO tobacco would reduce its price advantage and may encourage young adults to quit rather than change the tobacco they use. Introducing dissuasive rolling papers could challenge the justifications young adults create to support their RYO use, deter uptake and provide additional cessation cues. Replacing core artefacts with items that elicit sensations of dirtiness could undermine the pleasure gained from rolling and the value attached to RYO cigarettes. If future work reveals many RYO users regard their tobacco as more natural and less harmful than TM cigarettes, policymakers could justify wider measures such as removing RYO from sale. Both options merit further research and policy attention, given the growing use of RYO tobacco among young adult populations.

    What this paper adds

    • Despite its negative stereotype, roll-your-own (RYO) tobacco use has increased among young adults, who see it as a more cost-effective form of tobacco.

    • Young adults manage negative RYO user stereotypes by imbuing RYO tobacco with superior attributes, creating rolling rituals that require skill and elevating RYO cigarettes to artisanal products.

    • Dissuasively coloured rolling paper could undermine the value participants' rituals create and may challenge perceptions that RYO tobacco is more natural and thus less harmful.

    • Our findings extend understanding of RYO tobacco uptake by explaining usage motivations and rationalisations; this knowledge may inform policies that reduce the appeal RYO tobacco currently exerts over young people.

    Acknowledgments

    The authors thank the research participants who provided the data reported on in this manuscript.

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    Footnotes

    • Contributors JH conceptualised and designed the project, and obtained research funding. With SF, she designed the research protocol, oversaw the data collection and co-supervised EC. JH and EC conducted the fieldwork and analysed the transcripts. JH led the manuscript development and responded to reviewers' comments. SF and KG-M provided feedback on several iterations of the manuscript. All authors have seen and approved the final version; JH is the guarantor of the manuscript. Authors are listed in descending order of contribution.

    • Funding This research was partially funded by the New Zealand Ministry of Health, which supported data collection and transcription costs. EC's stipend was provided by the University of Otago via a summer student scholarship scheme.

    • Competing interests None declared.

    • Ethics approval Delegated authority from the University of Otago Human Ethics Committee.

    • Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.