eLetters

62 e-Letters

published between 2021 and 2024

  • Our primary assertion is not impacted by the limitations in our statistical analyses

    NOT PEER REVIEWED
    We thank Mr. Clive Bates (1) and Dr. Moira Gilchrist (2) for their reconsideration of our work (3) and previous response where we corrected some errors (4). We also reiterate that all data informing our Industry Watch are publicly available at Tobacco Watcher (https://tobaccowatcher.globaltobaccocontrol.org/) for anyone to analyze. As with any analyses of observational data, there are limitations and we do not disagree with some of the limitations that Gilchrist and Bates point out in our analyses (as we addressed nearly all of these in our previous response (4)). However, we remain unchanged in our conclusion that, as the title of our initial article stated, “Philip Morris International used the e-cigarette, or vaping, product use associated lung injury (EVALI) outbreak to market IQOS heated tobacco” (3).

    While statistical analysis indicated a correlation between (a) PMI’s public statements regarding EVALI and their IQOS brand of heated tobacco posted to their corporate “media center” (5) and (b) trends in news coverage of EVALI and IQOS, our primary assertion is that PMI used EVALI to market IQOS. The necessary and sufficient analysis to substantiate this assertion is reporting what PMI publicly claimed, which we did by analyzing the statement made by PMI which promoted IQOS through mentioning, contrasting or describing it along with EVALI and/or vaping.

    The full text...

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  • Some discrepancies and limitations

    NOT PEER REVIEWED

    There’s a published paper by Hammond and colleagues in 2019[1] using the same survey results, but there are some discrepancies.

    1. The Table 2 of the 2019 paper, prevalence of vaping in 2018 for ever, past 30 days are 37.0% (1425), 14.6% (562) in Canada, 32.7% (1276), 8.9% (346) in England and 33.6% (1360), 16.2% (655) in the US, respectively. However, in this article’s Table 1, for vaping in the same year 2018 for ever, past 30 days are 33.2% (1275), 12.1% (463) in Canada, 33.1% (1283), 9.0% (351) in England and 33.1%(1336), 15.7% (635) in the US. More discrepancies can be found on cigarette smoking section as well. These numbers warrant further explanation particularly why numbers in Canada and the US decreased while numbers in England increased? Considering previous correction of numbers to the 2019 paper has raised serious concern among some readers[1], such timely clarification in this article will be very necessary.

    2. The 2019 paper use the criteria of ≥15 days in past 30 days but the current paper adopts different criteria of ≥20 days in past 30 days, for both vaping and cigarette smoking. Further explanation is needed for such change.

    Additionally, a few considerations on possible limitations of the paper’s findings:

    1. Since the invitations were sent to nearly twice more parents than youth themselves according to the technical report[2], responds to survey questions might be biased because study has shown many...

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  • Response to Wang, 'Some discrepancies and limitations'

    NOT PEER REVIEWED

    We would like to thank Mr. Wang for his feedback on our paper, Indicators of dependence and efforts to quit vaping and smoking among youth in Canada, England and the USA.

    With regards to the ‘discrepancies’ in vaping and smoking prevalence between those reported in Table 1 and an earlier publication [1], we have previously published these same estimates [2], along with a description of the survey weighting procedures—which were modified since the first estimates were published (as outlined in a published erratum to the cited publication [3]). Briefly, since 2019, we have been able to incorporate the smoking trends from national ‘gold standard’ surveys in Canada and the US into the post-stratification sampling weights. A full description is provided in the study’s Technical Report [4], which is publicly available (see http://davidhammond.ca/projects/e-cigarettes/itc-youth-tobacco-ecig/).

    Mr. Wang has also noted a change in the threshold used for a measure of frequent vaping/smoking: ≥20 days in past 30 days rather than ≥15 days, as previously reported [1]. We have adopted the convention of reporting using ≥20 days in past 30 days to align with the threshold commonly used by the US Centers for Disease Control for reporting data from the National Youth Tobacco Survey (NYTS), as well as the Population Assessment of Tobacco and Health (PATH) Study and the Mo...

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  • Methods question / comment on the discussion

    ¶ I enjoyed reading this paper. I appreciate the author's use of difference-in-difference (DD) methodology. There were some things I found unclear that I would like to ask the authors to comment on.

    ¶ First, could the authors provide greater clarity on the model for column 1 of Table 1? Is the dependent variable here a yes/no for current cigarette use? The authors write, "Adolescents reported lifetime and prior month use of cigarettes, which we combined into a count variable of days smoked in the past month (0–30)." How does lifetime cigarette use help the authors to code the current number of cigarette days? The authors later state that they show that "increasing implementation of flavoured tobacco product restrictions was associated not with a reduction in the likelihood of cigarette use, but with a decrease in the level of cigarette use among users." Do the authors mean lifetime cigarette use here, or current cigarette use? The authors estimate this equation with an "inflation model," which I am not aware of. Could the authors provide more information on this modelling technique? This is not discussed in the "Analysis" section.

    ¶ Second, I felt like this statement is too strong. "Our findings suggest that[...] municipalities should enact stricter tobacco-control policies when not pre-empted by state law." Municipalities need to weigh many factors in making these decisions, including the effects of popu...

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  • Omission of reporting characterizing flavour bans

    NOT PEER REVIEWED
    This article does not distinguish between characterizing flavour (menthol) bans that were implemented in Canadian provinces between 2015 and 2017 and the implementation of a national ban on menthol additives in Canada in October 2017. Although unreported, the analysis was performed exclusively on provincial characterizing flavour bans. This significant distinction should be reported to ensure that researchers and policy makers are aware of the potential impact of a characterizing flavour ban and to ensure that this policy measure is not dismissed or discounted.

  • Authors’ response to L Hagen

    NOT PEER REVIEWED
    In his comment, Les Hagen brings up an important distinction between two types of restrictions on menthol: a menthol additive ban, and a menthol characterizing flavour ban. Canada's menthol ban across the provinces did indeed involve both types. Between May 2015 and July 2017, Nova Scotia, Alberta, Quebec, Ontario, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland & Labrador implemented characterizing flavour bans, whereas New Brunswick implemented a menthol additive ban [1]. When the Federal Government implemented a menthol additive ban in October 2017 [2] , it applied only to the remaining provinces—British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Manitoba—as well as Nunavut, Yukon, and the Northwest Territories. Thus, the "menthol cigarette ban" in Canada is a mixture of the two types.

    Our article [3] evaluated the impact of menthol bans implemented between the 2016 and 2018 waves of the Canadian arm of the ITC Four Country Smoking and Vaping Surveys. Hagen incorrectly stated that "the analysis was performed exclusively on provincial characterizing flavour bans." In fact, the provinces evaluated in our study included both those that implemented characterizing flavour bans (Quebec, Ontario, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland & Labrador) and those that implemented the Federal menthol additive ban (British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Manitoba).

    In our original study, we did not test for differences between the two kinds of bans, beca...

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  • Hagen's response to the authors

    NOT PEER REVIEWED

    Thank you for the corrections and for acknowledging the omission. The additional analysis performed by ITC is greatly appreciated and provides further insight into the impact of both interventions. Although unstated, Canada’s regional characterizing flavour bans contributed significantly to the development of a national menthol additive ban as chronicled by the U.S. Tobacco Control Legal Consortium[1] . I look forward to reading the full analysis when published.

    1. Kerry Cork, Tobacco Control Legal Consortium, Leading from Up North: How Canada Is Solving the Menthol Tobacco Problem (2017). https://www.publichealthlawcenter.org/sites/default/files/resources/tclc...

  • False allegations, unsubstantiated claims

    NOT PEER REVIEWED
    We object to the framing of Association of Vapers India (AVI), erroneously referred to as ‘Vape India’ in the paper, as a tobacco industry front group, without providing any basis for the claim except our membership of International Network of Nicotine Consumer Organisations (INNCO).

    AVI was organised in August 2016, when consumers of low-risk alternatives came together to arrest the tide of state bans in India, which were being lobbied for by the Bloomberg Philanthropies network the authors belong to.[1] Though one of our directors is the current president of INNCO’s governing board, elected through a member vote in the 2020 General Assembly, he is serving in unpaid, honorary capacity.

    AVI has not received funding from INNCO, nor from the Foundation for Smoke-free World (FSFW), and neither from the tobacco industry. Our work is financed through voluntary contributions, and like INNCO, the affairs are conducted by a governing board comprising unpaid consumer volunteers.

    It is scurrilous to cast AVI as a tobacco industry group or anything other than a consumer-led movement that is seeking access to harm reduction avenues for India’s nearly 270 million tobacco users, among whom cancers are rising[2] even as most have meagre means to deal with the health consequences, which makes harm prevention a vital mitigation strategy. We are product agnostic and advocate access to lower-risk alternatives for both smokers and smokeless tobacco...

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  • INNCO rebuts allegations of industry influence

    NOT PEER REVIEWED
    We appreciate the authors’ concern about industry “astroturfing.” We believe astroturf activities undermine the genuine consumer movement that INNCO and its members represent. But the conclusions that the authors draw from their research are attenuated and inaccurate. In particular, we object strenuously to the authors’ conclusion that because INNCO has received funding from the Foundation for a Smoke-Free World (the Foundation), we are a tobacco front group.

    INNCO was formed in 2016, a year before the Foundation was established. All of INNCO’s members are autonomous, independent consumer organisations, and with rare exception are run by volunteers on a shoe-string budget. These organisations joined forces to create INNCO, and they nominate and elect INNCO’s Governing Board members, who serve without compensation.

    INNCO only accepts funding from sources where our independence as an organisation run by and for consumers is assured. INNCO operated for more than two years with only volunteer efforts and no funding. (Funding from the Foundation was received in December of 2018, which is after the period this paper covers.)

    As the authors note, INNCO was formed in large part to ensure the consumer voice is heard on international platforms. However, we question the authors’ intent in casting our desire to engage as legitimate stakeholders as nefarious.

    While the authors have cited numerous references on the motivations of t...

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  • Flawed understanding of nicotine consumer advocacy

    NOT PEER REVIEWED
    It’s surprising finding oneself involuntarily part of a research study. Given no chance to contribute, perhaps I can offer privileged insight into the processes the authors seek to describe.

    Analysis of tweets around the COP8 meeting show that nicotine consumer advocates were the most active, followed by public health advocates and the tobacco industry. My company – Knowledge Action Change – also tweeted, at the Geneva launch of our tobacco harm reduction report. [1] Tweeting by tobacco harm reduction advocates out-shadowed “official” FCTC messaging (and if the authors had searched #FCTCCOP8 and #COP8 as well as #COP8FCTC, they would have uncovered more).

    The article asserts that tobacco industry money is behind this activity. But it is beyond this study’s narrow methodological reach to illuminate why nicotine consumer advocates tweet. My discussions with nicotine consumer advocates – the majority of whom are volunteers - demonstrate passionate interest in the policymaking that influences their lives. Having found safer alternatives to smoking, they fear that inappropriate regulation including bans will see their options disappear. They are frustrated that they are ignored by tobacco control policymakers, regulators and researchers. Barred from COP8 along with the public and press, consumer organisations are also barred from the NGO coalition Framework Convention Alliance. No other field of health policy excludes the affected. Consu...

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