NOT PEER REVIEWED Fotuhi et al concluded in their interesting study of patterns in
smokers' cognitive dissonance-reducing beliefs that rationalisations about
smoking change systematically with changes in smoking behaviour(1).
Moreover, they argue that: i) changes in attitude on quitting are higher
for 'functional' beliefs rather than 'risk-minimising' beliefs and ii) if
smokers relapse these functional beliefs return to p...
NOT PEER REVIEWED Fotuhi et al concluded in their interesting study of patterns in
smokers' cognitive dissonance-reducing beliefs that rationalisations about
smoking change systematically with changes in smoking behaviour(1).
Moreover, they argue that: i) changes in attitude on quitting are higher
for 'functional' beliefs rather than 'risk-minimising' beliefs and ii) if
smokers relapse these functional beliefs return to pre-quit levels, iii)
that changes in beliefs follow the changes in behaviour (quitting),
suggesting that iv) these changes are rationalisations invoked in the
service of motivation to reduce cognitive dissonance and that v) smokers
are able to reduce dissonance by modifying their beliefs in ways that help
to rationalise their continued smoking.
We wish to suggest an alternative understanding. The functional belief
items include questions such as "smoking calms you down when you are
stressed or upset" and "smoking helps you concentrate better". We propose
that these items are not examples of dissonance-reducing attitudes but are
representations of smokers' genuine experiences of nicotine withdrawal 'in
between' cigarettes or on quitting, i.e. 'stress' and 'poor
concentration'(2). In this way they are more a proxy for the physiological
states induced by nicotine deprivation rather than attitudes and beliefs
per se. Therefore 'risk-minimising beliefs' such as 'the medical evidence
that smoking is harmful is exaggerated' and 'you've got to die of
something, so why not enjoy yourself and smoke' may more truly represent
cognitive dissonance, as they do not overlap with experiences indicating
withdrawal symptoms.
A misinterpretation of these withdrawal symptoms by smokers and a
commonly held belief that smoking reduces stress will undoubtedly result
in the kind of results that the authors report - but should these results
really be interpretated as supporting their hypothesis? Once smokers stop
smoking, withdrawal symptoms subside over ensuing weeks (3), with
'functional' justifications for smoking naturally receding. They would
return when the smoker then recommences to a physiological state of
dependency and nicotine deprivation.
The theory of reasoned action holds that attitude changes precede
behavioural change (4). The authors conclude that their study shows
conversely, for smokers that their changes in attitudes are likely to be a
result of their changes in smoking behaviour. This interpretation does not
prove causation if these 'cognitive-dissonance' measures are more an
indication of the presence of physiological symptoms rather than attitudes
and beliefs per se.
We do agree, however, with Fotuhi et al's proposal that public health
measures should target smokers' beliefs that smoking reduces stress. This
would promote greater understanding about the withdrawal process and link
it to why pharmacotherapy can be a useful adjunct to quitting and thereby
increase their sense of response and self-efficacy (5).
We have been working in Australia with Indigenous smokers who have a
high prevalence of smoking. One of the teaching tools we have developed is
a simple visual model to explain to the lay public in the context of a
group or personal intervention why smoking increases stress levels, how
withdrawal symptoms make smokers more stressed and how nicotine
replacement therapy can be efficacious (6).
Resistance to anti-tobacco messages, and cognitive dissonance will
most likely continue to plague smokers who do not feel able to quit.
Although for Indigenous smokers, knowledge acquisition alone may not be
enough to support successful cessation (7), we believe smokers'
justifications for smoking may also represent the truth for them of their
experiences of withdrawal, and a lack of understanding about nicotine
deprivation.
References
1. Fotuhi O, Fong GT, Zanna MP, Borland R, Yong H-H, Cummings KM.
Patterns of cognitive dissonance-reducing beliefs among smokers: a
longitudinal analysis from the International Tobacco Control (ITC) Four
Country Survey. Tobacco Control. January 3, 2012. doi:
10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2011-050139
2. Parrott AC, Garnham NJ, Wesnes K, Pincock C. Cigarette Smoking and
Abstinence: Comparative Effects Upon Cognitive Task Performance and Mood
State over 24 Hours. Human Psychopharmacology: Clinical and Experimental.
1996;11(5):391-400.
3. Hughes JR. Tobacco withdrawal in self-quitters. J Consult Clin Psychol.
1992;60(5):689-97.
4. Fishbein M, Ajzen, I. Belief, attitude, attention and behaviour: An
introduction to theory and research. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley; 1975.
5. Witte K, Meyer G., Martell, D. Effective health risk messages: a step-
by-step guide. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications; 2001.
6. Baker F, Gould, GS. Blow Away The Smokes DVD: Quit Cafe Scene starts
13.00min. 2011 [4 July 2012]; Available from:
http://www.blowawaythesmokes.com.au
7. Gould G, Munn, J, Watters, T, McEwen, A, Clough, A. Knowledge and views
about maternal tobacco smoking and barriers for cessation in Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islanders: a systematic review and meta-ethnography. Nic
Tob Res. 2012;under review
Simon Chapman’s recent commentary on smoking in movies misses several
important points with regard to the influence of media portrayal of
tobacco on
children’s health (1). Chapman fails to recognize the ease with which
other
socially questionable behavior is rated R in US films. Using the Motion
Picture
Association of America voluntary ratings system (2), use of the 'F' word
as an
exclamation twice, or once in a sexu...
Simon Chapman’s recent commentary on smoking in movies misses several
important points with regard to the influence of media portrayal of
tobacco on
children’s health (1). Chapman fails to recognize the ease with which
other
socially questionable behavior is rated R in US films. Using the Motion
Picture
Association of America voluntary ratings system (2), use of the 'F' word
as an
exclamation twice, or once in a sexual context, yields an "R".
Other potentially adverse role modeled behavior does not have
tobacco's
highly addictive drug, nicotine, as a factor in children's exposure. The
behavioral expectancy establishes a modeled response which then is
reinforced by pharmacology, with well established and substantial health
results. This is why the American Academy of Pediatrics and many other
medical and public health organizations have endorsed the R rating. The
other Smoke-Free Movie goals: certification of no payoffs, true nonsmoking
counter-messages in trailers, and elimination of brand identification, are
important compliments to the R rating in helping protect youth. Together,
these strategies will moderate the smoking that youth may still be exposed
if
smoking were out of the G, PG, and PG-13 rated movies that are designed
specifically for children. Far from triggering the "backlash" that Chapman
fears, national surveys have shown that 70 percent of US adults agree that
movies that show smoking should be rated R (3).
The evidence base for what strategies are most effective for changing
the
effect of smoking in the movies is less strong. However, proposing
experiments to discover the best way to change the imagery promoting
social
acceptability of smoking would not be appropriate or ethical. Ridiculing
strategies to make it easier for parents to avoid or counter pro-smoking
imagery, as Chapman does, is also not terribly helpful. Definitive action
should be taken now, consistent with each nation's intent to protect their
youth.
Jonathan D. Klein, MD, MPH, Director
American Academy of Pediatrics Julius B. Richmond Center of Excellence
www.aap.org/richmondcenter
(585)275-7760
fax 585-242-9733
jklein@aap.org
1) Chapman, S. What should be done about smoking in movies? Tobacco
Control 2008;17:363-367; doi:10.1136/tc.2008.027557.
http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/cgi/content/full/17/6/363.
<http://tobaccocontrolbmj.com/cgi/content/full/17/6/363.> Accessed
11/25/08.
2) Motion Picture Association of America. Rating system. 2005.
http://www.mpaa.org/FilmRatings.asp. Accessed 11/25/08.
3) McMillen R.C., Tanski S., Winickoff J.P., Valentine N. (2007)
Attitudes about
smoking in the movies. Social Climate Survey of Tobacco Control.
Mississippi
State University Social Science esearch Center, American Academy of
Pediatrics. http://socialclimate.org/pdf/smoking-attitudes-movies.pdf
Accessed 11/25/08.
NOT PEER REVIEWED We wish to comment on the findings of Smerecnik et al.1 with respect
to significant advances in genetic testing , which are highly relevant to
their review. Unlike the early single genetic marker tests analysed by
Smerecnik et al.,1 where subjects are dichotomised to positive or negative
results, genetic susceptibility tests for lung cancer are now multivariate
risk tests.2 These new risk tests incorpora...
NOT PEER REVIEWED We wish to comment on the findings of Smerecnik et al.1 with respect
to significant advances in genetic testing , which are highly relevant to
their review. Unlike the early single genetic marker tests analysed by
Smerecnik et al.,1 where subjects are dichotomised to positive or negative
results, genetic susceptibility tests for lung cancer are now multivariate
risk tests.2 These new risk tests incorporate clinical and genetic data
to derive a composite gene-based risk score. In doing so they recognise
that (1) environmental factors, like how much you smoked, are important
and (2) genetic data alone is not sufficiently accurate to assess a
person's risk. These distinguishing features of the recently developed
lung cancer susceptibility tests are very important in assessing how
patients respond for two reasons. First, this approach acknowledges that
environment is important and that regardless of level of risk, all smokers
can significantly mitigate that risk by quitting smoking (a unique feature
of smoking-related lung diseases). This means there is no concern about
genetic determinism (or nihilism), risk reduction is always possible.
Second, in contrast to these early single marker tests, there are no
"positive" and "negative" tests, all smokers tested have some level of
risk and importantly, only lifelong non-smokers are "low risk" (more
accurately reflecting the real-world situation).
We have developed a gene-based lung cancer risk score based on a persons
smoking, age, COPD, family history and genetic markers, where these
previously validated variables are combined to derive a composite score.2
This score has been prospectively verified and assigns smokers to
elevated, high and very high risk according to their total risk profile.3
We have assessed the potential clinical utility of this lung cancer risk
score in a feasibility study where randomly selected smokers underwent
brief counselling and were offered smoking cessation treatment. We found
84% of the smokers offered the test took the test, of which 52% took NRT
and 28% had quit smoking 6 months after testing (2 fold and 5 fold greater
than controls respectively).4 We conclude that our lung cancer
susceptibility test improved the outcome of brief intervention, by
facilitating the use of smoking cessation products (NRT) and subsequent
quit rate. Such a finding concurs with the tension-trigger-treatment model
proposed by Robert West where our gene-based test increased motivational
tension, undermined optimistic bias and, for 30-50% of smokers, triggered
a favourable outcome (NRT uptake and/or quitting smoking).
References
1. Smerecnik C, Grispen JE, Quaak M. Effectiveness of testing for genetic
susceptibility to smoking-related diseases on smoking cessation outcomes:
a systematic review and meta-analysis. Tob Control 2012; 21: 347-354.
2. Young RP, Hopkins RJ, Whittington CF, et al. Individual and cumulative
effects of GWAS susceptibility loci in lung cancer: associations after sub
-phenotyping for COPD. Plos One 2011; 6: e16467.
3. Young RP, Hopkins RJ, Hay B, Gamble GD. GWAS and candidate SNPs for
COPD and lung cancer combine to identify lung cancer susceptibility:
validation in a prospective study. Am J Respir Crit Care Med 2010; 181:
A3738.
4. Hopkins RJ, Young RP, Hay B, et al. Lung cancer risk testing enhances
NRT uptake and quit rates in randomly recruited smokers offered a gene-
based risk test. Am J Respir Crit Med 2012; 185: A2590.
Conflict of Interest:
Dr Young has helped to develop a gene-based risk test for lung cancer susceptibility. Patents related to this test are held by Synergenz Bioscience Ltd who helped fund the research underlying the develeopment of this test.
Jim Sargent says I support business as usual for Hollywood. What I
emphatically and unapologetically do support is business as usual for
consistency. R-rating of any scene of smoking invites unavoidable
questions about parallel controls on a wide range of activity that an
equally wide range of interest groups would wish to see implemented in the
name of health, religion or morality. Jonathan Klein implies that because
ni...
Jim Sargent says I support business as usual for Hollywood. What I
emphatically and unapologetically do support is business as usual for
consistency. R-rating of any scene of smoking invites unavoidable
questions about parallel controls on a wide range of activity that an
equally wide range of interest groups would wish to see implemented in the
name of health, religion or morality. Jonathan Klein implies that because
nicotine is addictive, this confers exceptionalist status on the
importance of keeping smoking scenes away from children. Smoking is
extraordinarily dangerous, but is it any worse than violence, crime, or
racism to name but three which are often seen in movies to which children
are admitted?
The reductio ad absurdum of arguments to prevent children seeing any
smoking in movies would be to stop children seeing any smoking anywhere.
By what magic process could the sight of smoking in film be influential
while being benign in reality? Doubtless the time is not far away when
someone wielding research will call for public smoking to classified
alongside indecent exposure as a felony. I would not wish to be associated
with such nonsense and believe many others share my concerns that momentum
to selectively prune unacceptable health related behaviours from film
holds open the door for a conga line of other supplicants using the same
reasoning. This should be resisted by all who value freedom of expression.
I do not doubt that a majority of Americans agree with the
proposition that any smoking scene should cause a movie to be R-rated. But
I’d be confident that many of the same people who support that proposition
would also support proposals to do the same with scenes showing liquor or
many other health concerns, blasphemy and various moral panics. And let’s
remember also that many Americans also believe in miracles (89%), hell
(69%), ghosts (51%), astrology (31%) and reincarnation (27%) [1] and 40%-
50% accept a creationist account of the origins of life [2]. The
popularity of beliefs is not always a reliable guide to their wisdom. Not
long ago, the “wardrobe malfunction” that exposed Janet Jackson’s breast
on national TV for a nano-second caused national outrage. Such reactions
perplex many outside the US who have long been used to far more relaxed
regulation of film and television.
R-rating advocates are fond of arguing that scenes of smoking should
be treated identically to use of the word “fuck”, which many in the USA
apparently believe holds special powers to corrupt and deprave children.
Perhaps some of these advocates need to get out more and broaden their
horizons. Non R-rated movies in many other nations (eg: Europe, Australia,
Canada) frequently contain swearing, moderate violence and sex scenes
where panels appointed to judge the rating for the entire film have
decided that these scenes do not overwhelm the overall suitability of the
film to be screened to those legally defined as children. These panels are
typically not constrained by prescribed formulae as would appear to be
the case with swearing in the USA, but asked to make a holistic judgement
with reference to unspecified community standards. Part of the problem in
this debate may lie in US advocates believing that the rest of the world
shares (or ought to share) its standards, which have historical roots in
Puritanism.
Finally, if my critics are correct that smoking scenes in movies have
increased in the last 15 years, that these scenes “predict one-third to
half of smoking uptake”, and that there is a dose-response relationship
between exposure and smoking uptake, how do they reconcile this with the
major declines in youth smoking that have happened in the USA[3], Canada
[4] and Australia (to name three) over the same period? The answer can
only be that whatever effect smoking in movies has is small in relation to
other influences which are acting to reduce uptake. Such a conclusion
needs to be taken into consideration when we discuss moves to direct
artistic expression in the name of health.
NOT PEER REVIEWED This study violates basic ethical principles of research conduct
because it exposes children to unreasonable and unnecessary risks,
intentionally encourages parents to put their children at risk, and fails
to incorporate alternative methods that would reduce these risks.
The Helsinki declaration states that:
"The benefits, risks, burdens and effectiveness of a new intervention
must be...
NOT PEER REVIEWED This study violates basic ethical principles of research conduct
because it exposes children to unreasonable and unnecessary risks,
intentionally encourages parents to put their children at risk, and fails
to incorporate alternative methods that would reduce these risks.
The Helsinki declaration states that:
"The benefits, risks, burdens and effectiveness of a new intervention
must be tested against those of the best current proven intervention,
except in the following circumstances:
1. The use of placebo, or no treatment, is acceptable in studies
where no current proven intervention exists; or
2. Where for compelling and scientifically sound methodological
reasons the use of placebo is necessary to determine the efficacy or
safety of an intervention and the patients who receive placebo or no
treatment will not be subject to any risk of serious or irreversible harm.
Extreme care must be taken to avoid abuse of this option."
In the present study, children in group 1 were provided with an
intervention to reduce their exposure to secondhand smoke: parents were
asked not to smoke in the presence of their children. Children in group 2
were not provided with any treatment. According to the Helsinki
declaration, this would have been acceptable only if: (1) there was no
treatment available; or (2) children receiving no treatment would not be
subject to any risk of serious harm. Neither of these conditions are met.
Furthermore, this study goes beyond simply providing no treatment to
the children in group 2. Instead of simply observing these children over
time, the study protocol called for "asking" the parents not to change
their smoking habits.
In other words, the investigators knowingly and intentionally placed
the children in group 2 at significant risk of health damage.
In the United States, the federal regulations on the protection of
human subjects (section 46.406a) would have allowed this research to be
conducted on minors only if: "The risk represents a minor increase over
minimal risk." This condition is clearly not met, as the risks of
pneumonia, bronchitis, respiratory illness, and cardiovascular damage are
a major increase over minimal risk.
Moreover, there was an alternative procedure available that would
have provided the same scientific knowledge without putting children at
substantially more than minimal risk. The investigators could have
encouraged all parents not to smoke around their children and then
followed all the children over time as a single group. Then, they could
have assessed changes in secondhand smoke exposure and related those
changes (or lack of changes) to the persistence or disappearance of sleep
bruxism.
There is no justification for the investigators asking parents to
continue to smoke in the presence of their children.
Rather than acknowledge that they made a mistake, the instead defend
the study. But in defending the study, they deliver a definitive knock-out
blow to their argument that the study was ethical. They point out that
after being randomized to group 2, a number of the families dropped out of
the study, refusing to participate because: "aware of the risks of SHS,
[they] decided to reduce it and therefore did not participate."
If the subjects themselves realized that they were being put at undue
risk by agreeing to participate in the study, then it is quite clear that
this research was unethical. In fact, after a number of families refused
to participate because of the risks to which they were being asked to be
exposed, the IRB should have been informed and the study should have been
halted.
The authors go on to justify their research by noting that "all of
the parents of group 2 remaining in the trial were those who reported not
being able to reduce children's exposure to SHS." This is an unacceptable
argument. A feeling that one is not able to take a particular action is no
justification for investigators putting the children of those subjects at
risk and failing to deliver any intervention to encourage those parents to
quit, reduce their smoking, or not smoke in the presence of their
children.
I do support R ratings (actually M15, as this is roughly the
Australian equivalent to an American R) for films that decidedly
glamourise or blatantly promote smoking. I do however believe that smoking
can be shown in films in ways that do not promote the product - without
having to be a hit-you-over-the-head health message.
While I agree the current system of ratings for films has to be
considered in any realist...
I do support R ratings (actually M15, as this is roughly the
Australian equivalent to an American R) for films that decidedly
glamourise or blatantly promote smoking. I do however believe that smoking
can be shown in films in ways that do not promote the product - without
having to be a hit-you-over-the-head health message.
While I agree the current system of ratings for films has to be
considered in any realistic smoking in movies tobacco control strategy,
why doesn't the system that supports the absurdity of counting F-word
instances merit questioning? I appreciate that supporters and researchers
of smokefree movies have done the hard yards and found a solution to
eliminate tobacco promotion that best fits with the American moving making
and rating system. That doesn't mean that those of us who are relatively
newish to the debate cannot argue that the blunt instrument of an
automatic R rating that equates seeing any onscreen smoking as enticing
children to smoke is a poor tool.
Yes, movie making is a business, and as the current economic climate
attests, businesses must be regulated in order to protect the public
interests. But is this black and white form of regulation truly the ONLY
way forward?
Disclaimer: Simon Chapman is my PhD supervisor but my opinions are my own.
Omid Fotuhi,1 Geoffrey T Fong,1,2 Mark P Zanna,1 Ron Borland,3 Hua-
Hie Yong,3 K Michael Cummings4
1. Department of Psychology, University of Waterloo, Waterloo,
Ontario, Canada
2. Ontario Institute for Cancer Research, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
3. The Cancer Council Victoria, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia
4. Department of Health Behavior, Roswell Park Cancer Institute, Buffalo,
New York, USA
Omid Fotuhi,1 Geoffrey T Fong,1,2 Mark P Zanna,1 Ron Borland,3 Hua-
Hie Yong,3 K Michael Cummings4
1. Department of Psychology, University of Waterloo, Waterloo,
Ontario, Canada
2. Ontario Institute for Cancer Research, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
3. The Cancer Council Victoria, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia
4. Department of Health Behavior, Roswell Park Cancer Institute, Buffalo,
New York, USA
Email for lead author, Omid Fotuhi: ofotuhi@uwaterloo.ca
NOT PEER REVIEWED
Response to letter:
In our recent study--using a large set of nationally representative
samples of smokers from Canada, the US, the UK, and Australia--we reported
on the longitudinal patterns of smoking-related beliefs and how these
beliefs vary with changes in smoking status. We found a consistent pattern
of attitude-behaviour congruence: smokers highly endorsed risk-minimizing
beliefs (e.g., "I have the genetic make-up that allows me to smoke without
any health problems") and functional beliefs (e.g., "Smoking helps me
concentrate"). But the most interesting finding was the longitudinal
pattern of how these justifications for smoking changed over time as their
smoking status changed: smokers endorsed these beliefs the least when they
had quit; and again endorsed these beliefs to their pre-quit levels if
they relapsed back to smoking, whereas the levels of endorsement of these
beliefs stayed low among those smokers who had quit smoking and were able
to stay quit in the long-term. We proposed that the waxing and waning of
these smoking-related beliefs as a function of smoking status were driven
by motivations to reduce cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957)--a
fundamental human motivation to maintain consistency between one's
attitudes and one's behaviours.
In response to these findings, Gould, Clough, and McEwen have offered
a thoughtful commentary. In addition to writing about the importance for
public health measures to target smokers' erroneous beliefs that smoking
reduces stress, they agreed with our view that smokers are driven to
modify their risk-minimizing beliefs because of their motivation to reduce
dissonance.
However, Gould et al. suggest that an alternate mechanism is
responsible for the longitudinal pattern of functional beliefs that we
report in our study. Rather than being driven by dissonance-reducing
motivations, they suggest that higher endorsements of functional beliefs
among smokers are "representations of smokers' genuine experiences of
nicotine withdrawal 'in between' cigarettes or on quitting."
We, on the other hand, do not see a contradiction between their
interpretation and ours. Rather, we suggest that the physiological
reactions to withdrawal and dependence are the starting point for the
cognitive dissonance process. This is a view that has long been shared by
dissonance researchers (e.g., Zanna, Cooper, & Taves, 1978; Croyle
& Cooper, 1983).
So the Gould et al. account does not, at the core, differ from our
account. They are pointing out the nature of the reasons for the
justifications, which is the whole point of our argument: the fact that
smokers are addicted and that they suffer withdrawal symptoms leads to the
search for justifications for their smoking (rather than saying that "I am
addicted"). The physiological symptoms of dependence and withdrawal can,
therefore, lead to effects far outside the realm of the physiology of the
smoker.
Thus, their account is not an alternative explanation--it may well be
the starting point for what then become biases in cognitions to justify
smoking.
In addition, when looking at the data from our study, we note that
non-quitters endorsed both risk-minimising and functional beliefs more,
compared to successful and failed quitters, at all three waves--even at
times when all three groups were smoking (wave 1). Because it is unlikely
that the pattern of risk-minimizing beliefs (e.g., "You've got to die
someday, so why not enjoy yourself and smoke") is driven primarily by
withdrawal symptoms--and given the strikingly similar pattern for both
functional and risk-minimizing beliefs--we suggest that, at least in part,
similar dissonance-reducing processes may also be responsible for the
shifting of functional beliefs as smokers vacillate between smoking and
having quit.
Furthermore, let us be clear that we do not claim that all smokers'
smoking-related beliefs are distortions that serve only to reduce
dissonance. We fully acknowledge that there may, in fact, be unique and
genuine physiological experiences of nicotine consumption and withdrawal.
We propose, however, that these experiences can more effectively be
captured by specific measures that tap into the visceral aspects of
nicotine addiction. For instance, the Hughes (1992) article cited by Gould
and colleagues nicely captures these physiological experiences among
quitters at various time points (e.g., increased irritability, hunger,
restlessness, and cravings to smoke). These items are more directly
representative of physiological responses to nicotine consumption and
withdrawal than some of our functional beliefs measure (e.g., "Smoking is
an important part of your life" or "Smoking makes it easier to
socialize").
In fact, we would even argue that in comparison to risk-minimizing
beliefs, functional beliefs are more readily employed in the service of
dissonance reduction because they are less likely to be countered by
reality constraints (Kunda, 1990). Specifically, we think that the
functional beliefs in our study [(1) "You enjoy smoking too much to give
it up"; (2) "Smoking calms you down when you are stressed or upset"; (3)
"Smoking helps you concentrate better"; (4) "Smoking is an important part
of your life"; and (5) "Smoking makes it easier for you to socialize"] are
exactly the kind of malleable beliefs that smokers commonly employ--more
so than the risk-minimizing beliefs which may be countered by rational
thought (e.g., "The medical evidence that smoking is harmful is
exaggerated")--to rationalize a behaviour that they know is harmful to
their health.
Nonetheless, we appreciated the comments by Gould et al. because they
encouraged us to take a closer look at our data and, consequently, to
further think about our original interpretation of the findings.
We hope that further research continues to explore the role of
attitudes in the domain of health behaviour, and specifically addictive
behaviours, such as smoking. Experimental studies that more clearly
determine causality and studies that examine the taxonomy of
rationalizations commonly used by smokers would be especially useful for
the advancement of this research topic. These findings would also have the
important potential of informing policies to more effectively help save
lives.
References
Croyle, R. T., & Cooper, J. Dissonance arousal: Physiological
evidence. J Pers Soc Psychol. 1983;45:782-791.
Festinger L. A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Evanston, IL: Row,
Peterson, 1957.
Hughes JR. Tobacco withdrawal in self-quitters. J Consult Clin
Psychol. 1992;60(5):689-97.
Kunda Z. The case for motivated reasoning. Psychol Bull.
1990;108:480e98.
Zanna, M. P., & Cooper, J. Dissonance and the pill: An
attribution approach to studying the arousal properties of dissonance. J
Pers Soc Psychol 1974;29:703-709.
Simon Chapman's editorial supports business as usual for Hollywood.
By considering only the commercial element of paid product placement, he
ignores that making films in Hollywood is a business. Free artistic speech
is a fundamental right that everyone in Western societies supports, but
Hollywood uses it as a mantra to avoid changing how they do business.
Movies are a combination of art and business, just like many othe...
Simon Chapman's editorial supports business as usual for Hollywood.
By considering only the commercial element of paid product placement, he
ignores that making films in Hollywood is a business. Free artistic speech
is a fundamental right that everyone in Western societies supports, but
Hollywood uses it as a mantra to avoid changing how they do business.
Movies are a combination of art and business, just like many other
products that include artistic design elements, such as cars, furniture
and appliances. Movie production includes negotiations about what is
suitable for the audience and what sells tickets. Big movie producers
shoot several endings and focus group tests determine which one to use and
decide on the rating they want before they shoot a frame. That’s why an R
rating for smoking would simply cause them to leave smoking out of films
aimed at kids. Just as they trim violence and sex to get the rating they
want, they would also trim the smoking.
Chapman unfairly criticizes the Smoke Free Movies R-rating proposal
under the “Banning all Smoking in Movies” section of his editorial. In
the R rating proposal, smoking triggers and R rating not a ban. Movie
ratings systems are designed to warn parents of unsuitable content. We
are used to thinking of violent content as unsuitable, and few one
question that trigger. The research that links movie smoking with kid
smoking is new, but it is also very compelling, with movies being
responsible for one-third to one-half of youth smoking onset. Movie
ratings systems are designed to warn parents of unsuitable content. From
a health perspective, trying smoking is one of the biggest mistakes an
adolescent can make. Surely this warrants an R-rating as much as using
the “F” word twice, one of the current MPAA triggers.
Chapman argues against an R rating because it would not prevent all
children from seeing all smoking onscreen. No one has ever suggested that
the R rating would eliminate exposure to onscreen smoking for all
adolescents, just reduce it. The average R-rated movie is seen by only
14% of young adolescents, compared to about 30% for a typical PG-13 movie
(see Sargent, J. D., S. E. Tanski, et al. (2007). Exposure to Movie
Smoking Among US Adolescents Aged 10 to 14 Years: A Population Estimate.
Pediatrics 119(5): e1167-1176). Movie producers know that fewer
adolescents see R rated movies; that's why they fight an R rating for
smoking.
Because so many adolescents see smoking in PG and PG-13 movies,
rating smoking R would cut exposure to onscreen smoking in newly released
movies by about half, without violating anyone's free speech rights. This
would reduce smoking onset because, as Chapman himself notes, exposure to
onscreen smoking causes adolescents to smoke. But the trigger has to be
unambiguous, or Hollywood will just announce the incorporation of smoking
into the ratings system and then do nothing, maintaining its business as
usual stance. Fortunately, smoking is as easy to recognize in movies as
the "F" word.
Smith et al provides us with a remarkable review of tobacco industry
efforts to influence tobacco tax which deserves several comments.(1)
First, such efforts can be quite successful as in France: From
February 2004 to September 2012 there was no increase in tobacco taxes,
accordingly cigarette sales remained unchanged and smoking prevalence of
the youngest increased during Sarkozy's presidency, an exception amon...
Smith et al provides us with a remarkable review of tobacco industry
efforts to influence tobacco tax which deserves several comments.(1)
First, such efforts can be quite successful as in France: From
February 2004 to September 2012 there was no increase in tobacco taxes,
accordingly cigarette sales remained unchanged and smoking prevalence of
the youngest increased during Sarkozy's presidency, an exception among
developed countries.(2) The WHO must scrutinize the implementation of
Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control which requires
protecting public health policies from the influence of the tobacco
industry. Indeed, the French example of the influence of the tobacco
industry on a government is not unique.(3)
Second, the 16th point of industry tactics (Table 2 in 1) which is
"trying to undermine tobacco control experts" can be harder and damaging,
eg. slapping and sacking.(4) In November 2009, one of us (GD) was sued for
libel by the French tobacconists' Union, because he stated on television that cigarettes kill two smokers each
year for every tobacconist. In December 2009 as a tenured senior
consultant in GD's unit, I (AB) was sacked by the Ministry of Health, even
against the advice of the National Statutory Committee. Both of us won in
court, the tobacconists' claim was rejected in 2011 by the Appeal Court
and the sacking was cancelled in 2012 by the Administrative Court of Paris
on the grounds that it was illegal.(5) However, none of us received
compensation for the damages.
Third, even low and middle income countries can successfully resist
tobacco industry efforts to influence tobacco control. Uruguay's tobacco-
control campaign is associated with a substantial, unprecedented decrease
in tobacco use of 4*3% per year during 2005-11.(6) We must keep in mind
that the little Uruguay (GDP $31 billion) has been even sued in 2009 by
the giant Philip Morris ($25 billion in total revenues for a market
capitalization of $95 billion) before the World Bank's International
Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes.(7)
Integrity, courage and mainly enduring efforts are needed against the
tobacco industry.
References
1 Smith KE, Savell E, Gilmore AB. What is known about tobacco
industry efforts to influence tobacco tax? A systematic review of
empirical studies. Tob Control 2012, Online First August 12. DOI:
10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2011-050098
2 Braillon A, Mereau AS, Dubois G. [Tobacco control in France:
effects of public policy on mortality].Presse Med. 2012;41:679-81.
3 Arnott D, Berteletti F, Britton J et al. Can the Dutch Government
really be abandoning smokers to their fate? Lancet 2012;379:121-2.
4 Dubois G. Abuse of libel laws and a sacking: The gagging of public
health experts in France. Tobacco Control Blog November 8th, 2010.
Available at http://blogs.bmj.com/tc/2010/11/08/
5 Witton J and O'Reilly J. Tobacco scientist win against illegal
sacking. Addiction 2012;107:1714-5
6 Abascal W, Esteves E, Goja B et al. Tobacco control campaign in
Uruguay: a population-based trend analysis. Lancet 2012, Early Online
Publication, 14 September. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(12)60826-5
7 Lencucha R. Philip Morris versus Uruguay: health governance
challenged. Lancet. 2010;376:852-3.
The responses so far to Dr. Chapman's article have missed the
fundamental point of his argument: that a policy requiring an R-rating for
any movie which depicts smoking is a narrow-minded one that treats smoking
differently than other dangerous health behaviors depicted in films and
which fails to address the overall public health problem of the media
portrayal of unhealthy behaviors.
The responses so far to Dr. Chapman's article have missed the
fundamental point of his argument: that a policy requiring an R-rating for
any movie which depicts smoking is a narrow-minded one that treats smoking
differently than other dangerous health behaviors depicted in films and
which fails to address the overall public health problem of the media
portrayal of unhealthy behaviors.
In order to defend the policy from Dr. Chapman's criticism, one would
have to justify why smoking should be treated differently than the myriad
of other unhealthy behaviors shown in films that influence adolescent
behavior: violence, unprotected sex, alcohol abuse, sexual abuse, and
physical abuse. While Smoke Free Movies and other public health groups are
calling for a single depiction of smoking - under virtually any
circumstances - to automatically trigger an "R" rating, they fail to argue
that depictions of violence, alcohol abuse, and sexual or physical abuse
should similarly trigger an automatic "R" rating.
In fact, this narrow-minded approach results in the rather perverse
result of having these organizations publicly "endorse" (with a thumbs-up
rating) a number of movies which don't depict smoking, but which show
alcohol abuse, violence, and spousal abuse.
Dr. Klein makes an attempt to differentiate smoking by arguing that
unlike these other behaviors, it is addictive. This argument not only
fails (alcohol is also an addictive drug) but seems irresponsible, since
it sanctions the depiction of violence and abuse on the grounds that these
are not addictive behaviors.
The ultimate point which Dr. Chapman makes is that we in tobacco
control must maintain a wide, public health-based view of societal
problems and avoid looking at the world with blinders so that all we see
are problems related to smoking. We should not be a single issue-oriented
movement; we should be a public health movement that is concerned about
all threats to the well-being of the public.
NOT PEER REVIEWED Fotuhi et al concluded in their interesting study of patterns in smokers' cognitive dissonance-reducing beliefs that rationalisations about smoking change systematically with changes in smoking behaviour(1). Moreover, they argue that: i) changes in attitude on quitting are higher for 'functional' beliefs rather than 'risk-minimising' beliefs and ii) if smokers relapse these functional beliefs return to p...
Simon Chapman’s recent commentary on smoking in movies misses several important points with regard to the influence of media portrayal of tobacco on children’s health (1). Chapman fails to recognize the ease with which other socially questionable behavior is rated R in US films. Using the Motion Picture Association of America voluntary ratings system (2), use of the 'F' word as an exclamation twice, or once in a sexu...
NOT PEER REVIEWED We wish to comment on the findings of Smerecnik et al.1 with respect to significant advances in genetic testing , which are highly relevant to their review. Unlike the early single genetic marker tests analysed by Smerecnik et al.,1 where subjects are dichotomised to positive or negative results, genetic susceptibility tests for lung cancer are now multivariate risk tests.2 These new risk tests incorpora...
Jim Sargent says I support business as usual for Hollywood. What I emphatically and unapologetically do support is business as usual for consistency. R-rating of any scene of smoking invites unavoidable questions about parallel controls on a wide range of activity that an equally wide range of interest groups would wish to see implemented in the name of health, religion or morality. Jonathan Klein implies that because ni...
NOT PEER REVIEWED This study violates basic ethical principles of research conduct because it exposes children to unreasonable and unnecessary risks, intentionally encourages parents to put their children at risk, and fails to incorporate alternative methods that would reduce these risks.
The Helsinki declaration states that:
"The benefits, risks, burdens and effectiveness of a new intervention must be...
I do support R ratings (actually M15, as this is roughly the Australian equivalent to an American R) for films that decidedly glamourise or blatantly promote smoking. I do however believe that smoking can be shown in films in ways that do not promote the product - without having to be a hit-you-over-the-head health message.
While I agree the current system of ratings for films has to be considered in any realist...
Omid Fotuhi,1 Geoffrey T Fong,1,2 Mark P Zanna,1 Ron Borland,3 Hua- Hie Yong,3 K Michael Cummings4
1. Department of Psychology, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada 2. Ontario Institute for Cancer Research, Toronto, Ontario, Canada 3. The Cancer Council Victoria, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia 4. Department of Health Behavior, Roswell Park Cancer Institute, Buffalo, New York, USA
Email for l...
Simon Chapman's editorial supports business as usual for Hollywood. By considering only the commercial element of paid product placement, he ignores that making films in Hollywood is a business. Free artistic speech is a fundamental right that everyone in Western societies supports, but Hollywood uses it as a mantra to avoid changing how they do business. Movies are a combination of art and business, just like many othe...
Smith et al provides us with a remarkable review of tobacco industry efforts to influence tobacco tax which deserves several comments.(1)
First, such efforts can be quite successful as in France: From February 2004 to September 2012 there was no increase in tobacco taxes, accordingly cigarette sales remained unchanged and smoking prevalence of the youngest increased during Sarkozy's presidency, an exception amon...
The responses so far to Dr. Chapman's article have missed the fundamental point of his argument: that a policy requiring an R-rating for any movie which depicts smoking is a narrow-minded one that treats smoking differently than other dangerous health behaviors depicted in films and which fails to address the overall public health problem of the media portrayal of unhealthy behaviors.
In order to defend the polic...
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