Interpretations of smoking in film by older teenagers
Introduction
Film depictions of tobacco have been popularised most notably since the rise of the movie star in the 1930s and 1940s (Shields, Carol, Balbach, & McGee, 1999; Stacey, 1994). During this period, images of Humphrey Bogart and other leading actors smoking were overtly glamorised, as were the growing number of feminine depictions (Escamilla, Cradock, & Kawachi, 2000; McIntosh, Bazzini, Smith, & Wayne, 1998). Tobacco companies appreciated the promotion that film stars afforded their product, as stars oozed sublime cool while drawing deeply on a cigarette. Today, after a brief decline in the use of tobacco in films during the 1970s and 1980s, the smoker has returned, this time to the multiplex cinema (Stockwell & Glantz, 1997). Tobacco use in film is now widely suspected to be highly pervasive and to have a specific youth appeal (Perry, 1999; Stockwell & Glantz, 1997; Distefan, Gilpin, Sargent, & Pierce, 1999; Goldstein, Sobel, & Newman, 1999).
The tobacco industry appears to be highly motivated to recruit new smokers, and it possesses an impressive track record of deception in order to achieve this. Marketing of tobacco to young people through popular culture effectively sidestepped current legislation surrounding advertising (Macfadyen, Hastings, & Mackintosh, 2000; Hoek, 1999). It is generally suspected that the tobacco industry is responsible for the placement of cigarette smoking in films, and empirical investigations have attempted to determine how these images may influence the initiation of smoking in adolescents (Tickle, Sargent, Dalton, Beach, & Healtherton, 2001; Gibson & Maurer, 2000; Hines, Saris, & Throckmorton-Belzer, 2000). Although research has focused almost exclusively on the role of promotional activities in the initiation of smoking among young adolescents, the present study is conducted with a sample of older teens, for many of whom smoking is an already established behaviour. This paper builds upon a previous study of younger adolescents (12 and 13 years) by exploring a sample of older (16 and 17 years) adolescents’ interpretations of smoking imagery in film (McCool, Cameron, & Petrie, 2001).
Social representation theory provides a framework for exploring adolescents’ perceptions of smoking representations in film and how representations (for example, tobacco use) assist in shaping collective understandings about pervasive social realities. Social representation theory also addresses how social groups draw upon their own collective (lay) understandings to make sense of and embellish cinematic representations (Sommer, 1998). Media communications, which lie at the core of social representation theory, are understood to be critical to both the construction and diffusion of what is understood as a ‘social representation’. Moreover, this framework primarily acknowledges the role of structural elements within media constructs, which may include the representational field (e.g. context, content, place), knowledge (e.g. quality and quantity of representations) and perceptions of the representation (Sommer, 1998). Rather than being universally ascribed, social representations relate to a central and accessible core of beliefs, which is determined or arranged according to ‘group-specific’ knowledge (Moscovici, 1983).
Although images of tobacco use may constitute a universal representation, the meanings attached to the images are likely to be determined according to group lifestyles, values, norms and identities (Sommer, 1998). In our previous study (McCool et al., 2001), for example, younger adolescents were found to perceive that glamorous, tough, and sexy smoker images are pervasive in film. However, despite the pervasiveness of these stereotyped images, scenes of smoking (especially in drama and action genre) were also regarded as realistic and accurate reflections of real life. Similarly, smoking (both in film and in real life) was perceived to be associated with stress relief, a marker of maturity and adult behaviour, and a symbol of self-image and cultural identity. These observations illustrate that meanings associated with tobacco images in film are shaped according to the viewer's own expectations and experiences with real life smoking. Moreover, these expectations and experiences are cultivated within the viewer's social and subgroup groups, which assist to define the subscribed lifestyles, norms, and identities.
Prevalent notions about sub-cultural identities and desirable or reliable images of smoker ‘types’ are critical in young peoples’ appraisals of smoking imagery (Amos, Currie, Gray, & Elton, 1998; Amos, Gray, Currie, & Elton, 1997; Banwell & Young, 1993). It is anticipated that older teens’ interpretations of smoking imagery may well be shaped by their common understandings about what is perceived to be credible and desirable within their own social worlds. Older teens represent a developmentally distinct group of adolescents; in relation to younger adolescents, their social parameters are more likely to offer greater independence, and autonomy. It is widely advocated that smoking is perceived by young people to be indicative of identity and the attainment of autonomy and independence (Amos & Cunningham-Burley, 1995; Banwell & Young, 1993; Perry, 1999). This theme did not emerge as a salient perception among the adolescents in our previous study, but it may become more predominant during later adolescence.
This study was developed to explore how older adolescents respond to smoking imagery presented in film and its meanings and relevance to their beliefs about smoking. Because of the dramatic developmental and social changes that occur over the course of adolescence, we cannot assume that observed patterns of interpretations made by younger adolescents are also common among older teens. In particular, it is important to explore the salience of smoking images for older teens who represent a group with relatively variable experiences with tobacco (‘lifestyle’, ‘addiction’, ‘habit’ and as an ‘identity’). The study locates the issue of smoking and film viewing, and smoking in films as social activities, which are mediated by interpretations of cultural acceptability. The interpretative focus of this research was positioned predominantly with the audience or viewers’ perceptions of smoking imagery in film. By privileging the audience's perceptions of smoking images in film, the perceived image is rendered as the representation, rather than the text itself.
The focus of the study is also on teenager's perceptions of ‘incidental’ smoking representations, rather than an assessment of tobacco product placement. Moreover, comparisons are made between the previous study with younger adolescents in order to illustrate the convergent and divergent interpretations of smoking imagery in media.
Section snippets
Procedure
A grounded theory methodology using focus groups was developed to explore the meanings that the participants assigned to their interpretations of their everyday media experiences (Morse & Field, 1995; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). A focus group method with a semi-structured interview format was used to collect textual data, enabling an analysis of current interpretations of smoking in film to be developed. The interviews were focused around a theme list that included the following themes:
Schools
Secondary schools were clustered according to their geographical location. Two schools within each of the four geographical locations were randomly selected and invited to participate in the study. Each school was purposefully selected to ensure that a range of decile ranked schools (based on socio-economic status) were included in the sample. Two interviews were arranged and conducted on the same day in each school, one interview with male students, and one with female students. The two
Participants
In total, 88 students were interviewed (41 male and 47 female). The average age of students was 16 years. The ethnic distribution of students included Maori (29%), Caucasian/European (41%), Pacific Islands (19%), and Asian (8%) and other ethnic groups (3%). Smoking status was not formally collected from participants but was volunteered through the interview. The minimum school leaving age in New Zealand is 15 years. Current minimum age for purchasing cigarettes in New Zealand is 18 years (
Results
It was evident that older teens were more likely to offer contrary views than were younger adolescents in the previous study, who tended to agree with normative views emerging from the group. Group-mediated responses are therefore presented throughout the results, except where an individual opinion represents the broader consensus, or an idiosyncratic opinion. Interviews were initiated by a general discussion of preference for personal style and social entertainment in order to allow for a
Discussion
The interpretative responses to smoking imagery in film by the older teens differed across several dimensions from those offered by the younger adolescents in the previous study. Older teens responded to the imagery in relation to their immediate personal experiences. Many participants within these groups were current or ex-smokers and therefore held experiential knowledge about the reality of being a smoker. Moreover, stereotyped images were regarded as patently constructed for effect only,
Conclusion
Film images of tobacco appear to play an important role in supporting and maintaining commonly held beliefs about normative smoking behaviour within specific cultural contexts for older adolescents. Moreover, pervasive representations of the smoker in film appear to offer support to established current smokers and ambivalent non-smokers through the reiteration of the universality and normalcy of smoking. The persistent inclusion of tobacco in film and its immediate acceptance as ‘normal’ and
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to acknowledge the National Heart Foundation of New Zealand for the support of this research. We would also like to gratefully acknowledge the school staff members who assisted in the organisation of this study and the students who participated in the research.
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