Social inequality and ethnic differences in smoking in New Zealand
Introduction
In most developed countries it has long been recognised that there are historically persistent inequalities in health and that the ‘health gaps’ between advantaged and disadvantaged population groups have widened or changed little in recent years, despite rising national wealth (Coburn, 2000). New Zealand is no exception to this trend with research on mortality (Davis, Graham, & Pearce, 1999) and hospital admissions (Barnett & Lauer, 2003) indicating persistent inequalities between social and ethnic groups. Such trends are also characteristic of smoking in New Zealand. Social and ethnic group differences have remained significant over time and show little sign of decreasing (Durie, 1998; Ministry Ministry of Maori Development (1998), Ministry of Maori Development (1999)). While many countries have recorded decreased levels of smoking (Benzeval, Judge, & Whitehead, 1996), this has been less true of New Zealand where smoking rates, after declining by 10% (1976–91) began to decline less rapidly in the 1990s (Ministry of Health, 2002). Declines in smoking have been more typical of Pakeha (New Zealanders of European descent) than Maori. While smoking prevalence among Europeans decreased by approximately 3% between 1990 and 2001, no such trend was evident among the Maori or Pacific Island populations (Ministry of Health, 2002). Smoking rates, especially among Maori women, continue to be among the highest in the world (Broughton & Lawrence, 1993). Smoking thus remains a major contributor to ethnic disparities in life chances (Ministry of Health, 2001a).
Internationally, much work has focused on the relationship of health to socio-economic status (Mackenbach, Kunst, Groenhof, Borgan, & Costa, 1999) and, to a lesser extent, to ethnicity (Lillie-Blanton & Laveist, 1996), and health. Only recently has research begun to focus on inequality, that is socio-economic differentials, as a major determinant of varying levels of health status. In what has become a provocative thesis, Wilkinson (1996) has contended that the greater a nation's income inequality, the poorer the average national health status. Despite evidence at a variety of spatial scales, this thesis has been challenged (Judge, 1995; Judge, Mulligan, & Benzeval, 1998; Fiscella & Franks, 2000; Mackenbach, 2002). Criticisms that the thesis is “wanting in many respects” (Mellor & Milyo, 2001) or “is far from compelling” (Wagstaff & Van Doorslaer, 2000) have a certain validity. Nonetheless, two decades of neoliberalism have left a legacy of widening income and health inequalities in many countries (Pappas, Queen, Hadden, & Fisher, 1993; McCarron, Davey Smith, & Womersley, 1994; VanDoorslaer, Wagstaff, Bleichrodt, & Calonge, 1997; Shaw, Gordon, Dorling, Mitchell, & Davey Smith, 2000) that would seem to be consistent with Wilkinson's views.
This paper extends work on the applicability of the Wilkinson hypothesis to a new focus. It considers the relationship between socio-economic inequality and ethnic variations in smoking behaviour in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The choice of smoking behaviour, rather than the more usual measures of mortality or self-assessed health, provides arguably a more direct test of the Wilkinson thesis as it is causally prior to both. More generally the focus on smoking and inequality is timely in view of increased social inequality in New Zealand (Mowbray, 2001) and calls by writers, such as Coburn (2000), for greater attention to the contextual factors which underlie the presence of health inequalities. While poverty and smoking have received considerable attention in New Zealand (e.g., Crampton et al., 2000), little attention has been devoted to the relationship between smoking and social inequality. If such a link exists we would expect income inequality to be more strongly associated with smoking by Maori rather than Pakeha. Maori, as a generally more deprived group, are likely to be more vulnerable to the psychosocial and material consequences of living in an unequal society (Diez-Roux et al., 2000).
With such issues in mind, the specific objective of this paper is to examine the extent to which measures of social inequality help to explain ethnic variations in smoking. We also consider whether our findings for smoking prevalence are replicated for smoking cessation. We test three hypotheses:
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that relative social inequality has an impact upon smoking rates, and rates of smoking cessation, independent of differences in absolute deprivation;
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that this impact will be most evident amongst the Maori population, the indigenous population of New Zealand, given higher rates of disadvantage amongst Maori compared to the dominant Pakeha population;
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that the relationship between inequality, smoking and smoking cessation will reflect gender differences and be most pronounced among Maori women compared to Maori men.
The paper is organised into six sections. In the first, we provide an overview of the social inequality hypothesis. We then examine its relevance to smoking. The next section discusses the structural implications of the changing socio-economic position of the indigenous Maori population in New Zealand. After an outline of the methodology of the study, we present our results in the fifth, empirical, section of the paper. In the final section, we examine some of the theoretical and policy implications of our findings.
Section snippets
Socio-economic inequality and health
Wilkinson (1992), Wilkinson (1996) contends that people living in very unequal societies have a greater chance of illness. Inequality is a contextual effect and is said to affect everyone, especially the poor, but also the rich. Three pathways linking the distribution of income and health have been posited (Lynch, Davey Smith, Kaplan, & House, 2000). Wilkinson (1996) argues for a psychosocial explanation—people compare their situation to those around them. The greater the level of inequality,
Socio-economic inequality and smoking
Despite a voluminous literature on links between inequality and health, little attention has been devoted to links between social inequality and health behaviour. While the inequality-health literature, with few exceptions (Graham, 1995; Stead et al., 2001; Pampel, 2002), has not dealt specifically with smoking, its propositions, with some extension, can help to explain social and ethnic differences in smoking behaviour and why smoking rates remain high for particular social groups.
Psychosocial
Contextualising ethnicity, inequality and smoking in New Zealand
The current relationship between Maori and Pakeha arises out of Britain's sustained settlement of New Zealand in the 1800s and the active opposition to this process by some Maori (Kearns & Berg, 2002). The British Crown and (some) Maori chiefs signed the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, guaranteeing te tino rangitiratanga, or Maori sovereignty, and mana whenua, or control of land (Belich, 1986). According to Nairn and McCreanor (1991) a ‘collective forgetting’ of the Treaty soon beset settlers,
Methods
Our analysis is based on unpublished 1996 Census data for the 73 territorial local authorities (TLAs) in New Zealand. In that year the populations of TLAs ranged from 3489 (Kaikoura) to 345,741 (Auckland City). The largest percentage of the population of Maori descent (57.9%) is found in Kawerau, a timber-processing town in the Bay of Plenty in the North Island and one of three TLAs where Maori exceeded half the population. The lowest proportion was in Waimate (4.1%) in the South Island. Over
Absolute and relative deprivation and smoking
Table 2 indicates the partial correlations between smoking rates by ethnicity and the measures of absolute and relative deprivation, controlling for age and sex. With respect to absolute deprivation, a number of features are of interest. First, in all cases the indicators of absolute deprivation provide stronger correlations for Maori than Pakeha smoking rates. Second, the proportion of the population with no educational qualifications proved to be a better correlate of smoking than either of
Discussion
Within the international literature there is very little research on the links between inequality and smoking and this is especially true with respect to ethnic inequality. This study provides a certain degree of support for an extension to the Wilkinson thesis on the effects of (relative) inequality upon health. In this respect it complements other ecological studies (e.g., Stanistreet et al., 1999) and multilevel studies (e.g., Lochner et al., 2001) which have shown that income inequality is
Conclusion
We have presented an exploratory analysis of the impact of relative inequality on smoking. Given the imperfections of ecological analyses and the methodological and conceptual limitations of current research on relative inequality (Robert, 1999), we suggest that more attention needs to be paid to the contextual effects of inequality on smoking on the part of disadvantaged groups. As Graham (1998b) has suggested, there is a need not only to break into and affect the individual pathways that lead
Acknowledgements
The authors acknowledge the help of both Dr. John Waldon of Te Pumanawa Hauora, Massey University and Dr. Garth Cant, Department of Geography, University of Canterbury in terms of their insightful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.
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