Elsevier

Preventive Medicine

Volume 40, Issue 1, January 2005, Pages 16-22
Preventive Medicine

Tobacco advertising in communities: associations with race and class

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2004.04.056Get rights and content

Abstract

Background. Individuals of lower socioeconomic position smoke at higher rates than those of higher socioeconomic position. Because of this disparity, the National Cancer Institute has called for studies of targeted tobacco marketing to clarify mechanisms contributing to higher tobacco use among low-income Americans and other high-risk populations.

Methods. We observed tobacco industry marketing in six Boston area communities (two of high socioeconomic position and four of low position; total of 41 observations) and in selected print publications that circulated in those communities during a 22-month period in 2000–2002.

Results. On average, there were fewer tobacco advertisements in the higher socioeconomic communities, compared to the lower socioeconomic communities (P < 0.001). In the low socioeconomic communities, there were more than three times as many brand advertisements as youth access signs (P = 0.0012). Although brand advertisements outnumbered smoke-free signs, on average, there was no difference in the ratio of brand advertisements to smoke-free signs in low and high socioeconomic communities (P = 0.06).

Conclusions. The tobacco industry is actively present in community settings, particularly in communities with a low socioeconomic profile (SEP). Tobacco control researchers and advocates need to continue to monitor the tobacco industry's behavior at the community level and develop strategies to counter this behavior.

Introduction

The population burden of tobacco falls disproportionately on individuals of lower socioeconomic position, whether defined by educational attainment, occupation, or income [1], [2], [3], [4], [5], [6], [7], [8], [9], [10], [11]. In addition, among adults in the United States, smoking prevalence is highest among 18- to 24-year olds and has remained relatively stable in the past few years, while prevalence has been declining for all other age groups [12]. Not surprisingly, a growing body of evidence demonstrates that the tobacco industry's advertising and promotions strategies are heavily geared toward reaching young adults, socially disadvantaged groups, and various racial/ethnic groups [13], [14], [15], [16], [17], [18], [19], [20], [21], [22], [23], [24], [25], [26], [27], [28], [29]. Industry strategies include brand creation, advertising imagery, advertising placement, events sponsorships, and promotional items. Because there is solid evidence of an association between exposure to tobacco advertising/promotions and tobacco use behavior [25], [30], [31], [32], [33], [34], [35], [36], [37], [38], [39], [40], [41], [42], [43], [44], [45], [46], [47], [48], [49], [50], [51], [52], public health researchers must monitor advertising and promotion efforts by the tobacco industry overall and in relation to population groups among whom smoking prevalence is relatively high. The National Cancer Institute has called for studies of targeted tobacco marketing to clarify mechanisms contributing to higher tobacco use among low-income Americans and other high-risk populations so as to inform development of effective prevention and cessation strategies [53].

One important and understudied question is how the tobacco industry's marketing affects the community-level physical environment. How visible is the tobacco industry in the everyday streetscape and print publications that circulate in community settings? At issue is how the industry's presence might vary for communities of different sociodemographic characteristics and in publications reaching audiences in those communities. We undertook an observational longitudinal study to document selected tobacco industry advertising and promotion strategies in demographically contrasting community settings. We conducted systematic observations of tobacco industry advertising and promotion practices in community commercial districts and in selected print publications that circulate in those communities during a 22-month period.

Our study was conducted following implementation of the Master Settlement Agreement (MSA) [54]. The MSA restricts tobacco industry advertising and promotion practices in specific ways, such as banning of billboards and imposing limitations on events sponsorship. Our study characterizes tobacco industry activity in the wake of the MSA.

Section snippets

Study design

Because the tobacco industry's adaptation to the MSA was unpredictable, we chose a study design that allowed for in-depth longitudinal exploration in a limited number of settings. We used two standard qualitative case study [55] data collection methods: direct observation and content analysis to systematically observe tobacco industry practices. Direct observations were conducted every 3 months, for a total of 41 observations, in six commercial districts located in the greater Boston area. The

Results

The findings from field-based observations are presented in Table 2. On average, there were fewer tobacco advertisements in the higher socioeconomic communities, compared to the lower socioeconomic communities (P < 0.001). Examining the ratio of brand advertising to signs restricting youth access to tobacco, we found that in the low socioeconomic communities, there were more than three times as many brand advertisements as youth access signs, which was more than two times higher than what was

Discussion

We found in our community observations that tobacco brand advertising was related to income, education, occupation, and race, meaning that tobacco advertising is more prevalent in communities of color and of lower socioeconomic position. In the low socioeconomic communities, brand advertisements overwhelmed youth access signs by a factor of three, more than two times higher than what was observed in the high socioeconomic communities. Furthermore, a doubling of the percent of community

Acknowledgements

This study was funded by the Massachusetts Tobacco Control Program, Massachusetts Department of Public Health. The authors thank Pamela Waterman for her assistance with census data analyses and Richard Martins for administrative assistance.

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